Lovers of the history and memory of the Black communities of the Caribbean are rejoicing in these last days of May. Indeed, in addition to the celebrations of the creation of the Haitian flag (May 18, 1803), of the Taubira law (May 21, 2001) making the slave trade and slavery a crime against humanity, of the abolition of slavery (May 22 and 27 respectively in Martinique and Guadeloupe), four reporters (Cathérine Porter, Constant Méheut, Matt Appuzzo and Selam) published a series of articles in the New York Times on May 20 about the debt of independence imposed on Haiti by the French.
The team was assisted by more than a dozen researchers and for about a year they consulted public and private archival documents in Haiti, France and the United States and an extensive bibliography ranging from books and articles published in the 19th century “to the most recent, which arrived in bookstores in France only a few months ago. In addition, they met with officials, business leaders, descendants of slave settlers and descendants of slaves (both beneficiaries and victims of compensation). The result is a pathetic, vivid and inspiring story.
A pathetic story
It is with closed fists and clenched teeth that we read the story of this lady, Adrienne Présent, who every morning lights a coal fire on the floor of her house. She lives in a house where there is neither running water nor electricity. This is the case for all the inhabitants of the Commune of Dondon. One is even more frustrated when one learns that the violence, the epidemics, the tragedies, the hunger and the kidnappings that the Haitians suffer are due to corruption and especially to the ransom called “the debt of independence” imposed by France on Haiti in 1825. In fact, this debt plunged “Haiti into a spiral of indebtedness that will weaken it for more than 100 years, siphoning off a large part of its income”, that is to say between 21 and 115 billion dollars. Thus, Haiti has not been able to finance the socio-economic infrastructure necessary for its development and the well-being of Haitians.
In 1915, the Americans occupied Haiti to bring civilization and put an end to anarchy and oppression. But in fact, they wanted to take control of Haiti and its wealth through a financial group: Citigroup. This group absorbs a good part of the country’s revenues. In fact, “over a period of ten years, a quarter of Haiti’s public revenue was devoted to paying debts controlled by the National City Bank and its Haitian subsidiary. At the time, this was five times the country’s public school budget. In addition, the national budget was burdened by the salaries of American civil servants. American advisors appointed by the President of the United States take up to 5% of public revenues in salaries and other expenses. Sometimes their salaries exceed the budget reserved for public health in the country, which then has about two million inhabitants. Under these conditions, one understands that at the time of the Americans’ departure, the country was so poor that the farmers who had worked to enrich them lived for the most part in a state of destitution “close to famine”.
One feels upset and revolted when one sees, with supporting figures, the demonstration that Haiti’s underdevelopment and the abject living conditions that it implies are the result of, among other things, the embezzlement of public funds by our leaders and, above all, the sending abroad of the country’s revenues over the past 130 years. The bitterness is even more intense when we understand that foreigners do not want to give us the opportunity to choose our own ways without pulling the strings, even today.
A living history
Usually an economic and financial history is made of figures and graphs that are difficult to read and understand by the uninitiated. This is not the case with our series. It is a dynamic history of men, families and institutions. For example, it brings to life in our minds men such as William Jennings Bryan, Robert Lansing, John A. McIlhenny and Roger Leslie Farnham. While the first three names are familiar to those who study the period, the last one is an unknown in Haitian historiography. However, he is a determining factor in the course of history that interests us.
The latter was a journalist and lobbyist recruited by the National City Bank in 1911. He took advantage of his privileged relationship with William Jennings Bryan, Secretary of State under President Woodrow Wilson, to push for the invasion of Haiti to benefit American commercial interests. Before 1914, he was behind the plan bearing his name “for American control of taxes on imports and exports, a vital source of revenue for the country. This plan was rejected by the Haitian authorities. Later, in December 1914, on his advice, the Marines raided the National Bank of Haiti and seized the gold reserve. In July 1914, following his request for protection for American interests, the country was occupied by Marines.
The occupation paved the way for Farnham’s every appetite to be satisfied. He is not content with a mere portion of Haiti’s national bank. “With the assistance of the State Department, he orchestrated its total takeover. By 1920, the National City Bank would own all the shares of the bank, worth $1.4 million, and thus succeed France as the dominant financial power in Haiti.” Farnham has extraordinary power. His “word supersedes that of any other on the island. He presents the Haitians as big, peaceful and harmless children.
The article gives names of slave settlers who benefited from the indemnities. “The descendants of families who received these reparations are still part, for some, of the European gotha or the French aristocracy. Among them are Maximilien Margrave de Baden, first cousin of Prince Charles; Ernest-Antoine Seillière de Laborde, former president of Medef; or Michel de Ligne, a Belgian prince whose ancestors were close to Catherine II of Russia. It focuses on the descendants of Ernest-Antoine Seillière de Laborde, the settler who received the largest sum as compensation.
The study has no examples of former slaves. However, it begins and ends with the life of misery, suffering, and deprivation of Adrienne Présent and the people of her community, all sons of former slaves.
An inspiring story
As a historian, one is struck by the methodology of these researchers who have made every effort to have original sources (archives and actors) and an extensive bibliography. Moreover, they accompany the series with tables and databases that may be ignored by those uninitiated in the socio-economic history of Haiti. In this sense, they point to avenues of research for those who wish to delve deeper into this slice of history. On the other hand, this series raises certain questions or ideas that need to be considered in order to get the country out of its rut:
As we have seen, the bank was for years one of the instruments of domination and exploitation of the country. Today, the approach has not changed. When we analyze the Haitian banking system, we notice that it is at the service of a few families who are involved in import-export. The banking system still looks outward and does not accompany the development of the country. Even the National Credit Bank (BNC) does not adopt a different orientation. We must break with this practice and make the bank a tool for national development.
When Aristide made the demand for reparations and restitution, he was not supported by certain elites. On the contrary, he was facing a protest movement encouraged by foreigners. And when Aristide left, the demand for reparation and restitution fell. Haitians must understand that there are issues that go beyond one man, one political party and one political situation. They are national and permanent issues. Restitution is one of these issues. Corruption of the economic and political elites is another.
Often foreigners are the cause of our political crises. First, they make sure they have the man in power who cannot say no to them. If a patriotic president who is imbued with national interests slips through the cracks, he faces a protest movement that can go as far as armed revolt. And when the protest does not succeed, they resort to economic sanctions, threats of intervention and accusations of drug trafficking. The solution lies in a strong national movement and shared leadership to resist foreign maneuvers.
More than a beautiful, well-written, easy-to-read text, supported by a good scientific approach and published in English, French and Creole, the series on the debt of independence is for us a cry saying to foreigners that it is time to give Haitians the chance to choose their way. It is also a didactic work pointing out to Haitians one of the sources of their misfortune: the corruption of the national elites and the maneuvering of foreigners to gain control of the country. The liberation of the country and the improvement of the population’s living conditions must take into account these two variables, among others.
Dr. Marc Désir, Silver Spring, May 28, 2022
